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Player Wiki/Elections

Election Mechanics

Last updated 2026-08-21

Elections in A House Divided run perpetually. Every office has continuous cycles: a cycle resolves, the next one spawns immediately, seats never sit vacant. This page is the top-level reference for how elections work: phases, timing, scoring, vote math. Deep dives for primaries, generals, and country-specific rules get their own pages.

The two phases#

Every election has two phases:

  1. Primary phase: intra-party competition. Candidates from the same party compete for one nomination slot. Resolution uses a primary score (no votes accumulate). Highest score per party advances.
  2. General phase: inter-party competition. Nominees from different parties compete. Votes accumulate turn by turn; the final 4 turns land 30% of the pool.

When the general resolves, winners take office and the next cycle spawns.

Duration by race type (US)#

All durations are in real hours = game weeks.

|| Office | Total | Primary | General | | --- | --- | --- | --- | | House | 96h (2 game years) | 48h | 48h | | Senate | 288h (6 game years) | 240h | 48h | | Governor | 192h (4 game years) | 144h | 48h | | State Senate | 192h (4 game years) | 144h | 48h | | President | 192h (4 game years) | 144h | 48h |

Senate seats are split into three classes per state, staggered roughly a third of the 288h cycle apart, so one-third of the Senate is up for election at any given time.

UK, DE, and JP use different cycle lengths; see each country hub for specifics.

The primary score (state races)#

Primary scores go up to 100 points across four components, then a final infamy penalty applies:

Bucket Range Formula
Alignment: state 0-25 `max(0, 25 - (
Alignment: party 0-15 `max(0, 15 - (
Favorability 0-35 (favorability / 100) * 35
Influence 0-25 sqrt(min(100, PI) / 100) * 25

Final score = raw * (1 - 0.05 * infamy/100), a 5% reduction at infamy=100.

Of the 40 alignment points, 25 measure how closely you match your state's politics and 15 measure how closely you match your party platform. State match is the bigger factor. If a state has no cached lean, alignment falls back to a single 40-point check against the party (preserving the pre-rework formula).

NPP candidates get a 50% primary-score multiplier when at least one player is in the same party's primary: a 50-point NPP lands at 25, which makes competent player candidates heavy favorites. NPPs aren't subject to the infamy penalty.

The primary score (presidential)#

Presidential primaries are national, so they weight party platform and national reach instead of state position:

Bucket Range Formula
Alignment 0-40 `max(0, 40 - (
Party Influence 0-20 Normalized on the candidate's own accumulated party influence (uncapped above the reference scale)
National Reach 0-15 Diminishing-returns curve on national political influence, scaled to 15 points
Favorability 0-25 (favorability / 100) * 25

Same infamy penalty applies on the final score. Alignment stays dominant, but Favorability was repriced from 10 to 25 points so the primary selects for roughly what the general election rewards, and parties stop nominating candidates the electorate has already rejected.

Presidential primary stagger waves (the final 6 turns of the primary) use a delegate accumulator. NPPs in stagger waves receive an extra 0.6 multiplier on top of the usual handicaps when a player is in the same party.

Vote accumulation (general)#

During the general phase, votes accumulate each turn via the Total Appeal Pipeline (also used by polling and NPP dropout calculations).

Per-turn weighting#

A three-tier closing surge, not a flat split:

In other words, the last 4 turns are worth ~30% of the entire election. If you're within a few points going into the last day, every campaign and ad action in those 4 turns compounds into the heaviest-weighted snapshots. Very short races (4 turns or fewer) spread the pool evenly instead.

The total appeal pipeline#

For each demographic group, for each candidate, per turn:

  1. Reach: a sqrt curve on political influence, capped at 1.0 once influence reaches 100. State and presidential general elections both use this curve. Presidential primaries use a gentler diminishing-returns curve instead, leaving more room for Support, Favorability, and Org to compete.
  2. Appeal (per group): 25 * ((50 - |econDiff|*5 - |socialDiff|*5) / 50)^1.5 + APPEAL_POSITION_FLOOR(0.5) + DIRECTION_BONUS(tribal, up to +10) + reach * 12.5. Power-curve position scoring (exponent 1.5, softened from the legacy squared curve) with a floor, directional bonus, and influence multiplier. Position alone maxes at 25.5, directional bonus at 10 (5 per axis, both axes aligned), influence at 12.5 -- theoretical ceiling around 48, though the position+direction terms are the dominant share in practice.
  3. Approval scalar: (effectiveFavorability / 100) ^ 0.8, where effectiveFavorability = favorability + groupApproval * 0.5 (clamped 0-100). 0% effective favorability = 0 votes. The power curve softens differences in the middle while preserving both endpoints.
  4. Party org scalar: a normalized share model, (partyOrg / totalStateOrg)^0.2. Diminishing returns: a 3:1 org lead yields only ~1.25:1 weight. Ranges from 0 (no presence in a populated state) to 1.0 (monopoly), or a neutral 1.0 everywhere when the state has no org data at all. Primaries use a uniform neutral 1x instead (intra-party org cancels). Presidential races use the same normalized-share curve, no separate crowded-field damping.
  5. Infamy scalar: 1 - 0.05 * (infamy/100). Player characters with high infamy lose up to 5% of their per-group weight. NPPs aren't affected.
  6. Turn pool scaled by party strength modifier:
    • State races: (1 + (stateGovernmentApproval/100 - 0.5) * 0.2) * officeStrength. At 50% approval the modifier is 1.0x; at 100% it is 1.1x; at 0% it is 0.9x.
    • Presidential races: (1 + (stateGovernmentApproval/100 - 0.5) * 0.5) * officeStrength. At 50% approval the modifier is 1.0x; at 100% it is 1.25x; at 0% it is 0.75x.
  7. Group-level allocation: Each group contributes to the turn pool proportional to its size. Within each group, candidates split that contribution by relative (appeal * reach * approval * partyOrg * nppPenalty * infamyMult).
  8. Votes summed across all groups. That's your turn total.

Office strength multipliers:

Because the approval modifier is a flat +/-10% around the base for state races and +/-25% for presidential races, presidential elections feel state approval much more strongly.

NPP general weight penalty#

In general elections where at least one player is in the race, NPPs receive an 0.8x weight penalty on their per-group vote weight. This is separate from the 0.5x primary-score penalty and applies only during the general phase. It ensures NPPs remain competitive but lose their structural advantage over active players.

FPTP vs RCV: the spoiler effect#

Most states use First Past the Post (FPTP). A few run Ranked Choice Voting (RCV). This is a state-level legislative choice.

In FPTP states, after the per-turn group allocation:

This models real-world spoiler dynamics: a Green candidate bleeds Democratic votes, potentially handing the seat to the Republican.

In RCV states, no spoiler adjustment applies. Third parties compete on equal footing. Switching a state from FPTP to RCV requires legislation.

Reg, support, and swing-flow mechanics#

The general-election pipeline includes three swing-flow factors that modulate how votes move between parties:

  1. Registration resistance multiplier: regResistanceMultiplier = 1 + 0.3 x (Reg / 100). Range 1.0x-1.3x. Higher own-registration makes the party harder to peel away through persuasion. Independents and parties without a registration entry get neutral 1.0x.
  2. Support mood multiplier: supportMoodMultiplier = 0.6 + 0.8 x (support / 100). Range 0.6x-1.4x with neutral 1.0x at support=50. Captures short-term candidate mood / momentum (debate performance, scandals, endorsements). New candidates without a stored support value default to 1.0x.
  3. Transferable share: The fraction of a party's vote pool that is open to persuasion in a given turn. Base transferableShare is scaled by regResistanceMultiplier (higher Reg = smaller transferable pool) and candidate persuasionResistance (some candidates have innate resistance to being peeled away from their base party).

These factors mean a candidate with high Support, low opponent Registration, and low persuasion resistance can swing larger vote shares per turn than one facing entrenched opposition in a high-Reg state.

Two more swing-flow drivers matter for down-ballot strategy:

  1. Coattails: a sitting executive's approval swings a nominal-share multiplier for their own party in every eligible down-ballot general, governor coattails at state scope, presidential coattails at national scope (US only for now). A popular incumbent lifts their whole party's ticket; an unpopular one drags it.
  2. Party-tenure fatigue: a "time for a change" drag on a party that has held the executive office for multiple consecutive terms, roughly 3.5 points per term beyond the first. It bites even a popular incumbent's party, on top of the approval-based shield.

Both apply after the base appeal pipeline and are separate from the reg/support/transferable-share factors above.

Multi-seat races#

House and State Senate (US), Bundestag constituency seats, UK Commons regions, and JP Shugiin use proportional allocation:

Candidacy rules#

Withdrawal#

You can withdraw any time before the election resolves:

Withdrawal during a general you're losing is sometimes strategic: it frees actions for a better race next cycle. During a primary it's almost always wrong unless you're pivoting to a different office.

Suspend & endorse (presidential general)#

During the general election only, a presidential nominee may suspend their own campaign from the Campaign Manager page and endorse another active nominee:

Perpetual continuity#

No seat sits vacant. Mechanics:

Presidential election specifics#

Polls vs simulated votes#